News Feature: Colombo Cover-up
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Tuesday, 08 January 2008 |
James Ross, Legal and Policy Director of New York-based Human Rights
Watch (HRW), in a hard hitting column appearing in the Tuesday edition
of the Daily Mirror, said the Sri Lanka government has failed to
"seriously investigate and prosecute those responsible for the horrific
abuses of the past two years – the unlawful killings, the
“disappearances,” the Karuna group’s abduction of children. The
cover-up is the government’s determined effort to keep the issue off
the international agenda."
Full text of James Ross article follows:
International Cover-Up in Colombo
It is a truism of American
politics that it’s the cover-up that gets leaders in trouble, not the
crime. Richard Nixon was famously forced to resign not because of a
burglary at the Watergate hotel, but because of his heavy-handed
efforts to keep the full story from the public. There was Ronald Reagan
and the Iran-Contra Affair and perhaps now Bush and the CIA
interrogation tapes.
The Sr Lankan government is also facing
scandal, though of a different sort. The crime is the government’s
failure to seriously investigate and prosecute those responsible for
the horrific abuses of the past two years – the unlawful killings, the
“disappearances,” the Karuna group’s abduction of children. The
cover-up is the government’s determined effort to keep the issue off
the international agenda.
Colombo acts like it is addressing
the country’s human rights problems, but it’s evident that it is
nothing more than an act. Commissions and committees and you-name-it
are created with little result – and decreasing expectations of getting
results. The government seeks kudos for inviting various United Nations
representatives to the country and then, when they express their
concerns, lambastes them for being “terrorists” and supporters of the
LTTE. And its officials meet with the UN High Commissioner for Human
Rights, but with no apparent intention of reaching agreement to move
forward.
The cover-up machinery has been in high gear. After the
December session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, the
government congratulated itself, proclaiming that it had deterred
“anti-Sri Lanka moves.” This statement is meaningful only if one views
UN efforts to promote human rights as being “against” Sri Lanka. The
government understandably does not want to see itself lumped together
with international pariah states such as Sudan and Burma, both of which
were subjects of UN resolutions. So it is all the more disconcerting to
see Colombo respond in the same obstructionist manner as these
countries instead of adopting a constructive approach.
Cover-ups
work only so long as they can be kept secret, but Colombo’s tactics are
hard to hide. Exposure is inevitable so long as the government believes
that the aim of concerned governments (and nongovernmental groups like
Human Rights Watch) is to get UN resolutions condemning Sri Lanka,
instead of getting real improvements on the ground for Sri Lankans
affected by abuses. Either the Sri Lankan government can unilaterally
address the problem – which it has thus far failed to do – or it can
genuinely work with the United Nations to do so. That’s really what a
UN human rights monitoring mission, investigating abuses by the
security forces and the LTTE, is all about.
More than a year
ago, Sri Lanka talked the major donor states into believing that the
Presidential Commission of Inquiry would bring about tough-minded
investigations and prosecutions of the worst cases of the past two
years, including the execution-style slaying of 17 Action Contre la
Faim aid workers, the massacre of the Trinco Five, and the
assassination of Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. Now, not only
are the international “eminent persons” on the verge of giving up on
this commission, but initial supporters like the United States and the
European Union are expressing serious doubts.
Last month the
international body that regulates national human rights institutions
downgraded Sri Lanka’s once prestigious National Human Rights
Commission to “observer” status. That’s because the govt. appointed
commission members in violation of constitutional requirements and
because the commission no longer acts independent of the government in
addressing such issues as enforced disappearances.
The United
States, which has been outspoken against the LTTE, now recognizes that
the Sri Lankan government has been stonewalling on human rights. In
December, Congress – with no objection from the State Department –
voted to suspend US military aid to Sri Lanka until Colombo punishes
officials responsible for human rights violations, provides access to
humanitarian groups and journalists, and agrees to the deployment of a
UN field mission. And the Millenium Challenge Corporation, a US
government corporation that provides assistance to developing
countries, “deselected” Sri Lanka as a country eligible for funding
because it had not met criteria demonstrating a commitment to
“political and economic freedom” and “respect for civil liberties and
the rule of law.”
The European Union is heading in the same
direction. Because of human rights concerns it is seriously rethinking
current trade benefits granted to Sri Lanka. And in its recent country
strategy paper, the EU said all aid would be diverted to the non-state
sector if the peace process and treatment of displaced persons
continued to falter. One can be sure the EU will again raise the
situation in Sri Lanka at coming sessions of the Human Rights Council.
Sadly,
in 2007 there was little progress in Sri Lankan government efforts to
prosecute members of the security forces and the LTTE for abuses. One
can only hope that in 2008 the actors will abandon its practice of
attacking UN human rights mechanisms and the constructive efforts of
concerned governments. Adopting measures they propose would be an
important step in ending the abuses.
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